|
Forum
Donate
Search
Subscribe
jews/911
Feedback
dna
RCC
AIDS
Home
Surveys
Holocaust
IQ
14th Amdt
19th Amdt
Israelites
NWO
Homicide
Blacks
Whites
Signatory
Talmud
Watchman
Gaelic
TRAITORS
Medicine?
|
TO: THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON EARLY CHILDHOOD, YOUTH AND FAMILIES:
FROM: Richard A. Gardner, M.D.
RE: HR3588 - Proposed Revision of the Child Abuse Prevention
and Treatment Act (CAPTA) (Public Law 93-247 [referred to as
"The Mondale Act"])
It is my understanding that the Committee on Economic and
Educational Opportunities will be considering either repeal or
modification of CAPTA. Full repeal of CAPTA would be a terrible
mistake: it would deprive truly abused children of the protection
they sorely need, resulting in massive political upheaval as the
mental health and legal communities, the public, and the media
struggle with the fallout from this decision. Equally important,
it would deprive protection of those who might be falsely accused
of such abuses, already a media highlighted public concern. I
recognize fully that financial considerations are an important
factor in the Committee's decision. I believe that the
implementation of the modifications described
below--modifications I will be presenting in my forthcoming
testimony before the Committee--will not only save the federal
government significant money but also preserve the important
functions of CAPTA:
1. The federal absolute immunity proviso must be significantly
modified. Absolute immunity, like absolute power, corrupts and
fosters irresponsible exploitation. In the U.S. immunity from
prosecution has traditionally been available only to specific
groups essential to the functioning of the legal system, e.g.,
judges and prosecutors. Total immunity encourages frivolous,
fabricated, and even malicious accusations. Qualified immunity,
such as that enjoyed by police officers, is a reasonable
replacement. States that maintain the absolute immunity provision
should not be entitled to federal funding. This change alone
would reduce significantly the flood of false referrals being
generated at this time, resulting in a formidable savings of
federal monies. However, simply modifying the immunity proviso is
not enough. There must be potential consequences for a false
accusation whether it be deliberately made, the result of
negligence, the product of delusion, or alleged for any other
reason. Promulgating a false abuse accusation should be
considered a criminal act, ranging in severity from a misdemeanor
to a felony, depending upon the decision of the court. Malice
should not be the sole standard of culpability for this crime
because proving malice is extremely difficult. Rather, reporters
should be held to an objective, reasonable person standard, i.e.,
whether an objective, reasonable person, in the same situation,
would consider abuse to have taken place. Each state must have in
effect a state law providing for the prosecution of any person
who makes a false accusation in accordance with the objective,
reasonable person standard. A false accuser (whether it be an
individual or a governmental agency) should be required to pay
for all legal costs of an accused party who is proven innocent in
a court of law. Persistent failure to prosecute false accusers
should deprive the state of federal funding.
2. The mandated reporting clause must be dropped. It has
resulted in the reporting of the most frivolous and absurd
accusations by two-and- three-year-olds, vengeful former spouses,
hysterical parents of nursery- school children, and severely
disturbed people against their elderly parents. Highly skilled
examiners, professionals who are extremely knowledgeable about
sex abuse, examiners who know quite well that the accusation is
false, are required by law to report the abuse to individuals who
they often know to be be overzealous, inexperienced, and even
incompetent. Yet they face criminal charges if they do not report
these accusations. Mental health professionals who are licensed
by the state to practice should be given the discretion to report
or not, depending upon their conclusions. States that require
mandated reporting should not be entitled to federal funding for
child abuse programs. This change would also reduce significantly
the flood of false referrals being generated at this time, again
resulting in a formidable savings of federal monies.
3. The federal law should require investigators and evaluators
(both in the law enforcement and mental health realms) at all
levels to routinely notify and invite for voluntary interview(s)
every individual accused of child abuse or neglect. (These
suspects, of course, must first be informed of their legal
rights.) The failure to routinely extend such invitations should
deprive the agency of funding. Each and every investigator and/or
evaluator licensed to conduct such evaluations should be required
to interview the accuser, the alleged child victim, and extend an
invitation to the accused to be interviewed as well. In some
cases the accused will accept the invitation and in others he or
she may not. Courts of law will only consider admissible
evaluations conducted by people who have extended invitations to
all three parties.
4. All investigatory and evaluative interviews should be
videotaped. States that do not require videotaping of such
interviews should be deprived of federal funding. Nonvideotaped
evaluations should not be admitted into a court of law, nor
should testimony based on nonvideotaped investigations or
evaluations.
5. Interviews in which suggestive materials are used,
specifically anatomically detailed dolls, body charts, and/or
other materials that indicate genital and/or sexual organs should
not be admissible in a court of law. States that admit such
materials into courtroom testimony should be deprived of federal
funding.
6. States in which individuals suspected of child abuse are
deprived of constitutional due-process protections should not be
provided federal funding.
7. The federal laws now provide funding for child abuse
research, education, prevention, identification, prosecution, and
treatment. Such educational programs must be periodically updated
to include new development in all these areas. All mental health
and legal professionals involved in child abuse should be
required to periodically attend these course updates. Specific
information should be provided in these courses regarding
criteria for differentiating between true and false accusations.
Such funding should also be provided for programs designed to
assist those who are falsely accused, as well as children who
have been victimized by being used as vehicles for a false
accusation. Such programs could be incorporated into existing
child-abuse and child-neglect programs.
8. CAPTA provides federal funding for the child's legal
representative (the guardian ad litem) the accuser's legal
representative (the prosecutor) but not for the defendant's legal
representative (the public defender). As a result, overburdened
public defenders' offices are not capable of providing equal
representation for defendants, especially those accused of sexual
abuse. Prosecutors can generally afford special units devoted to
sex abuse; public defenders rarely enjoy this luxury. CAPTA has
the power to correct this inequity.
9. In order to receive federal funding each state must
establish an office and procedures to consider applications for
postconviction judicial review from anyone convicted of a child
abuse crime. When considering such applications, special
attention should be given to: 1. the possibility of violation of
the defendant's due-process protections, 2. new scientific
developments--especially in such areas as suggestibility, memory,
and medical findings, and 3. whether the accuser and/or the
alleged child victim has recanted the allegation. The reviewing
office should be required to issue a report detailing
specifically its reasons for its conclusions regarding the
justification for postconviction judicial review. The existence
of this office would not preclude a defendant's enjoying
traditional postconviction rights and procedures. Federal funding
would supplement state funding specifically designated for the
implementation of this proposal, especially funding for
defendants to engage the services of counsel.
As is well known, statistics can easily be manipulated,
especially in the realms of child sex abuse. A typical
"statistic" is one in which an organization states that
X percent of its evaluations prove "unfounded." The
attempt here is to prove that the agency is being unbiased and it
is equally receptive to an "unfounded" as well as a
"founded" conclusion. The problem here is that many of
the "founded" cases involve innocent individuals whose
child accusers have been subjected to the aforementioned coercive
interview techniques. From the point of view of the innocent
person who has been found guilty because of such techniques it
does not matter whether the founded group represents even one
percent of all the accused. From that person's point of view he
(she) has been falsely accused and even imprisoned. Accordingly,
the percentages of those investigations and evaluations that are
founded vs. unfounded is totally unrelated to the problems we are
dealing with here.
As mentioned, full repeal of CAPTA would be a terrible
mistake. First, purely from the political point of view, it would
suggest to the public that the Committee has no sympathy for
sexually abused children. The overzealous and naive people who
have contributed so significantly to the problem with which we
are dealing here have waved this banner continually. The facts
are that there are indeed hundreds of thousands--and possibly
millions--of children who are being abused and neglected and we
are morally obligated to provide them with protection, etc.
However, there are also thousands (we will never know how many
thousands) of individuals who have been falsely accused of sexual
abuse. CAPTA can protect these people as well.
The implementation of these changes into CAPTA will result in
a moratorium on federal fundings at this point. Only when the
states have demonstrated that they have complied with these
provisions will federal funding again be considered. The
implementation of these proposals should ensure protection for
truly abused children as well as those alleged perpetrators who
might be falsely accused. It would also save the federal
government money, both because there would be fewer false
accusations as well as a moratorium on federal funding pending
the implementation of these proposals--especially the review of
cases of those convicted of child abuse. The complete repeal of
CAPTA will dump the whole CAPTA problem in the laps of the 50
different states. If this happens, the likelihood of quality
reform would be small and the chances of perpetuation of a system
gone amuck almost inevitable--at least during the next few years.
Sincerely,
Richard A. Gardner, M.D.
Clinical Professor of Child Psychiatry
Columbia University
College of Physicians and Surgeons

|























|