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The Destruction of Zoroastrian Persia and Christian Russia - an Anaology
Islam, like Communism, rode into a political vacuum.
"Islam was born when two great Empires of the Near and Middle East [Persian and
Greek] had exhausted one another in a long series of wars. The Byzantines were hated by
their Semitic and Coptic subjects...They were, after all, interlopers in the Semitic
world, heirs of a different culture and language."---A. Guillaume, Islam, p. 78.
The centuries of WARFARE in which Byzantium and Persia had hammered away against each
other had debilitated both, leaving the wide swath of territory for which they fought
largely defensless against the Arab invaders.
Similarly, the WAR between Russia and Germany (WWI) benefited only one group, the
Communists, who in general had been careful to avoid involvement in this bloody and
totally mad internecine carnage. Russian losses were so heavy amongst those who would
normally have contained Communist revolutionary violence that the Judeo-Bolsheviks were
able to seize control of the entire Russian empire.
http://www.duke.org/library/innate/pearson3.html
Igor Shafarevich, a mathematician and member of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences, has
sharply criticized the Jewish role in bringing down the Romanov monarchy and establishing
Communist rule in his country. Shafarevich argues that during the Bolshevik Revolution,
Jews occupied many top leadership positions and that their activities during this period
and later were motivated by hostility to Russians and their culture.
Shafarevich claims that Jews were critically involved in actions that destroyed
traditional Russian institutions, and he stresses the Jewish role in liquidating Russian
(and other Slavic) nationalists and undermining Russian patriotism, murdering the Czarist
family, dispossessing the kulaks, and destroying the Orthodox Church.
He views "Russophobia" not as a unique phenomenon, but as resulting from
traditional Jewish hostility toward the gentile world considered tref (unclean) and toward
gentiles themselves considered as sub-human and as worthy of destruction. (Source: K.
MacDonald, 1998, p. 60)
See also: http://users.cyberone.com.au/myers/macdonald.html
"Clearly one of the themes of post-Enlightenment Judaism has been the rapid upward
mobility of Jews and attempts by gentile power structures to limit Jewish access to power
and social status...Jewish participation in radical movements in Russia was motivated by
perceived Jewish interest in overthrowing the czarist regime...Jewish political radicalism
in czarist Russia must be understood as resulting from economic restrictions on Jews that
were enforced by the government in the context of considerable Jewish poverty and a very
rapid Jewish demographic increase..."
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Justification for crossing into the territories of the Sassanians (neo-Persians) came from
Muhammad himself, who had spoken of the riches of Persia that were destined to belong to
the Arabs. "The Arabs inherited the energy that the two powers wasted on the
conflict. In the long run, for both Rome and Persia, victory proved to be little more than
a mirage."
- Rome's Persian Mirage
Instability continued because of Sassanid aggression and Roman overextension.
By Barry S. Strauss for MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History Magazine
http://ancienthistory.about.com/library/prm/blpersianmiragef.htm
http://ancienthistory.about.com/library/prm/blpersianmiragea.htm
Iranianness has an important theme in modern Persian literature from its very beginnings.
As part of the answer to the question of self-definition, some Persian Iranian writers,
like Mohammad Ali Jamalzadeh, Sadeq Chubak, Mehdi Akhavan Sales, and Nader Naderpour, have
used images of Arabs to define Iran as a nation and themselves as Iranian in contrast to
an Arab Other. Sadeq Hedayat loathes the Arab Other, and abhors Islam as an Arab religion.
In "Seeking Absolution" and Parvin the Sasanid Girl, he portrays Arabs as
darkskinned, dirty, diseased, ugly, stupid, cruel and shameless, bestial and demonic.
Moreover, Hedayat portrays present-day Iranian Muslims as corrupt and hypocritical. Only
his Sasanid Iranians are attractive, courageous, intelligent, cultured and virtuous.
Hedayat idealizes the pre-Islamic, Zoroastrian past as the Golden Age of Iran. In his
view, Iran's true cultural identity, shared with Aryan India, was destroyed by the Arab
Muslim invaders, who replaced Iran's superior civilization with the brutal and
bloodthirsty culture and religion of their own. Hedayat, often admired as a writer of
sensitivity and progressive human values, espouses Western racism and anti-Semitism. He
believes that Aryan Iranians are racially superior to the Semitic Arabs. Sadeq Chubak's
view differs only somewhat from that of Hedayat.
In The Patient Stone, Iranian rootlessness and alienation are the result of history: the
Arab Muslims destroyed a great Iranian civilization and could not replace it. Iranians,
both individually and socially, have consequently suffered because they were cut off from
their own, true Iranian history, art, and culture. Chubak's characters also reveal racist
thinking, and a level of anti-Arab sentiment throughout The Patient Stone. Chubak portrays
the Arab Other as hypocritical, ugly and cruel, while the Iranian Self has been defeated
and further corrupted by Semitic hypocrisy in the form of Islam, for Chubak sees the
institution of Shi'i Islam in Iran only as a tool for oppression. At the same time, he
rejects Iranian chauvinism. Zoroastrianism and the history of Iranian kings hold no
answers either. Indeed, Chubak goes so far as to equate Zoroastrianism with Islam, and to
reject both.
However, he rejects Islam on two levels: because it is a religion, which in Chubak's view
offers no answers, and because it is an Arab religion. For Chubak, there are no answers;
life is indeed without meaning. However, alienation and existential despair are both
universal, and historically and culturally specific. Existential despair informs the Self
more than categories of Iranianness or Arabness, yet Chubak maintains those categories as
well. While Chubak rejects Aryanism, his writings do support anti-Semitism.
Mehdi Akhavan Sales, like Hedayat, blames the Muslim Arab invaders for destroying Iran's
true cultural identity and longs for a return to pre-Islamic Zoroastrian culture and
greatness. According to "The Ending of the Shahnameh," the ending of Zoroastrian
Iranian cultures with the defeat of the Sasanid empire and the coming of Islam has
resulted in ruin and despair, which can be resolved only by returning to Iran's
pre-Islamic golden age.
The Iranian Self was pure, bright and beautiful, but has been corrupted by the Arab Other,
false, dark, and evil. Akhavan decries "Semitic and Arabic and Islamic"
influence on the "heritage of our own Aryan ancestors." In so doing he echoes
Hedayat's view of Iranians and Arabs as two different and unequal races, one Aryan and
superior, the other Semitic and inferior. Nader Naderpour rejects Arabs and Islam as
alien, and fundamentally opposed to the true Iranian culture and values.
"Here and There" repeats the same image of Arabs as found in Hedayat and
Akhavan, as savage, alien intruders who have destroyed a superior Iranian civilization.
Nader Naderpour portrays the Arab Other as dark, savage and inhuman, in images of the
irrational, blood and the moon; he portrays the Iranian Self as the creator of an
enlightened civilization in images of Zoroastrian fire, the sun and springtime. Naderpour
sees Islam not so much as wrong in itself, but wrong because it is Arab, and therefore
backward and cruel.
In "Here and There," Naderpour compares the establishment of the Islamic
Republic to the Arab Muslim conquest of the Sasanid empire, and suggests that it is in
fact a continuation of that same defeat of superior Iranian culture at the hands of the
ignorant and intolerant Arabs. In Naderpour's view, to be a devout Muslim, or a supporter
of the Islamic Republic of Iran, is to be Arab and therefore not Iranian, indeed therefore
almost less than human. Like Hedayat, Chubak and Akhavan, his is an anti-Islamic and
anti-Semitic view.
Excerpted from THE IMAGE OF ARABS IN PERSIAN LITERATURE, Joya Saad (1996)
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JEWS AS WAR PROFITEERS
Wealthy Jews were involved in the financing of World War I (Jews "played a prominent
part in organizing the German war economy") [MOSSE, W., 1987, p. 257] as well as
earlier German wars of unification. Geran Bleichroeder's money, for instance, was notable
in 1866, during fighting between Prussia and Austria. The Philipp Speyer firm in Germany
was involved in arranging credit for the United States during its Civil War and was
involved in financing the building of railroads across America. [GROSS, N., p. 219]
Earlier, Daniel Franks "was instrumental in raising money for the British army during
the French and Indian War with the aid of his brother, Moses, a London financier."
[GROSS, N., p. 223] Mayer Amschel Rothschild's "great fortune was acquired by hiring
[William IX's] troops, as mercenaries to the British in the American Revolutionary
War." [OSBORNE, S., 1939, p. 15] Conversely, Haym Solomon, an immigrant from Poland,
helped secure credit for the American Revolution from France and the Netherlands. In
Germany, "through [Ludwig] Loewe's brother Isidor (1848-1910) and jointly with the
firm of Mauser, an order of unprecedented magnitude was obtained for equipping the Turkish
army." [GIDAL, p. 266] After a merger with the Mauser company, this company "was
supplying half the armies of the world with rifles." [BERMANT, C., 1977, p. 74] The
London Rothschilds "found the 20,000,000 pounds to compensate slave owners after the
abolition of slavery in the British Empire in 1833. In 1854 a 16,000,000 pound loan to
finance the Crimean War was launched through the House of Rothschild, and in 1871 they
raise 100,000,000 pounds to help France pay her war indemnity to Prussia. " [BERMANT,
C., 1977, p. 40]
"Among the branches of trade in which Jews achieved special
prominence," underscores Jewish scholar W.E. Mosse, "the outstanding one in the
early nineteenth century was, undoubtably, war contracting. It was this activity which may
be said to have laid the foundations of the fortunes of the German-Jewish economic elite.
This was, unquestionably, the major source of early Jewish capital accumulation."
[MOSSE, W., 1987, p. 386] Mosse suggest that some of the reasons why war profiteering
became such an important source of Jewish economic activity was rooted in "the
quasi-monopoly" they held in the European agricultural produce trade and
"corruption in business dealings" with "those responsible for awarding
military contracts." [MOSSE, W., 1987, p. 388] Eventually Jews rose to become
"prominent" even in the armaments industry itself, including weapons and
ammunition. (Even Chaim Weizmann, a chemist and eventually the first president of modern
Israel, was instrumental in providing acetone as an explosive ingredient for British heavy
artillery at a crucial time during the first World War. Weizmann's efforts helped secure
formal British government support for the principle of a Jewish state in the land then
known as Palestine). [RHODES, R., 1988, p. 88-91]
With the rise of European political movements against the Jews in
the late nineteenth century, Albert Lindemann notes that "a European-wide body of
opinion, cutting across class lines, focused on what was perceived as Jewish ruthlessness
and immorality in search of profit. It was often asserted, and much discussed in the
press, that the brutal Boer War (in South Africa, 1899-1902) was manipulated to benefit
wealthy Jews. The repression of an uprising in 1907, in the course of which thousands of
starving and desperate Romanian peasants were slaughtered, was widely described as
protecting Jewish interests.... Involvement of Jews in these matters was not only
plausible but real enough." [LINDEMANN, p. 32-33] "[Jews] were a crucial element
in the development of South Africa during the final quarter of the nineteenth century and
a considerable proportion of the 'Uitlanders,' whose restiveness undere Boer rule was to
lead to the South African war, were Jews. Among them was ... Barney Barnato ... [who]
built up one of the largest fortunes in South Africa and controlled a labour force of one
hundred and twenty thousand men." [BERMNANT, C., 1977, p. 54]
In Germany, says Sarah Gordon, there was "the popular belief
that Jews had been highly active as war profiteers between 1914 and 1918 [World War I],
and that they had promoted or gained from postwar inflation by questionable activities as
financiers and middlemen. Anti-Semites eagerly compiled statistics on Jewish criminal
activity, both real and bogus, to buttress their arguments." [GORDON, p. 53]
"The most repulsive of men," remarked the well-known German Jewish philosopher
(and Zionist) Martin Buber, "is the oily war profiteer, who does not cheat any God,
for he knows none. And the Jewish profiteer is more repugnant than the non-Jewish for he
has fallen lower." [MENDES-FLOHR, BUBER, p. 141]
Jewish international economic power toward expressly Jewish
political ends in a war could even be asserted in Asia. At the turn of the twentieth
century, American Jews who were concerned about a perceived Russian mistreatment of its
Jewish citizens included Jacob Schiff, a senior partner in the American banking firm of
Kuhn, Loeb, and Co. He believed that "the only hope for Russian Jews seemed to lay in
the possibility that the Russo-Japanese War would lead to upheaval in Russia and
constitutional government there." [BEST, G., 1972, p. 315] Toward this end, Schiff
helped Japan raise $180 million, nearly one-fourth of the total Japanese expenditure in
its war with Russia. Schiff, the wealthy capitalist, even funded socialist
indoctrination programs for Russian prisoners of war by the Japanese, in the hope that
this might aid in the Tsar's downfall. [LINDEMANN, p. 170] The Universal Jewish
Encyclopedia claims that "in his later years [Schiff] recognized that he had
innocently aided in the creation of a menace in the shape of Japanese imperialism."
[UJE, v. 9, p. 400]
At the same time, since 1890, Jewish-American financiers --
led by Jacob Schiff, Isaac Seligman, and Adolph Lewisohn -- had vigorously lobbied the
powerful international Jewish banking community as a collective entity to reject Russia's
own searches for loans. Ultimately defeated by Japan and suffering great indemnity
demands, Tsarist Russia faced a largely successful international economic lockout by
Jewish money lenders (the Russian government ultimately collapsed to the communist
revolution, a situation international Jewry hoped to be better for Russian Jews). "A
great nation," reported the Jewish Chronicle with satisfaction about the teetering
Tsarist state, "was now going from one Jewish banker to the other, vainly appealing
for financial help." [ARONSFELD, p. 103]
Simon Wolf, Chairman of the Board of Delegates of the
United American Hebrew Congregation, wrote that
"Russia at this juncture needs two important elements to
inspire its future
prosperity and happiness: money and friends ... The Jews of
the world
control much of the first ... There is no disguising the
fact that in the
United States especially the Jews form an important factor
in the
formation of public opinion and in the control of the
finances...”
[ARONSFELD, p. 100]
The following ultimatum to the huge country of Russia, and
a threat to those who broke Jewish ranks to do business with it, was announced by a group
of Jewish American businessmen wielding their own foreign policy, self-described as the
"Hebrew alliance:"
"First, until equal civil and religious rights
are given the Jews of Russia,
no money will be loaned the Russian government
by any American
Jews.
Second, the Rothschilds [the worlds greatest
and far-reaching banking
firm, based in Europe] are united with the
American Jewish bankers in
this agreement and will use all their enormous
prestige and power to
assist in carrying out the threat.
Third, no financial concern will be allowed to
loan Russia money, under
pain of the displeasure and financial
punishment that such a
combination of resources of the Hebrew
alliance could so readily
dispense." [ARONSFELD, p. 100]
Jewish economic collusion against Russia, notes Edwin
Black, "was widely criticized for the stubborn continuation of their boycott even as
it threatened the Allies' [World War I] war effort. But the boycott remained in effect
until the monarchy was toppled in 1917." [BLACK, p. 31] Even within Russia itself, a
Jewish "adventurous millionaire," Parvus (aka Israel Lazarevitch Gelfand, or
also anglicized as Helphand), was a sponsor of V. I. Lenin. [SINGER, N., p. 2] In
this historical context -- the "conspiracy" of international Jewish financiers
unifying to bring Tsarist Russia to collapse -- the Universal Jewish Encyclopedia notes
that "the canard of the Jewish conspiracy to attain political world domination
originated at the time when the Tsarist regime was threatened with revolution." [UJE,
v. 3, p. 1]
As prime minister of the greatest imperialist country of the nineteenth century, Disraeli
had connections with international Jewry and its enormous economic means. "Disraeli's
purchase of the Suez Canal in 1878," says Benjamin Ginsberg, "was made possible
by Henry Oppenheim's extensive contacts in Egypt and a four million pound loan from Lionel
Rothschild." [GOLDBERG, B., 1993, p. 24] Chaim Bermant recounts the well-known story
about this transaction:
"In 1875, when Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli heard that a
large packet of shares,
which would have given Britain control of the Suez Canal, were on
offer, there
was only one person to whom he could turn for ready cash: Baron
Lionel de
Rothschild. His secretary, Cory, was quickly sent round to the
bank and ushered
into the presence of the Baron. How much money was needed? he was
asked.
Four million pounds. When? Tomorrow. The Baron, fingering a
muscatel grape,
popped it into his mouth and spat out the skin. 'What is your
security?' 'The
'British government.' 'You shall have it.'" [BERMANT, C.,
1977, p. 40]
The implications of such international Jewish dealings were not
lost to critics of the time.
The British scholar, Goldwin Smith, ("a respected historian
and educational reformer") [PILZER, J., 1981, p. 10] wrote against Britain's
imperialist policies, arguing that the Disraeli government's foreign policy benefited
Jewish, and not British, interests. [GOLDBERG, p. 24] Smith argued that "the Jew
alone regards his race as superior to humanity, and looks forward not to it ultimate union
with other races, but to its triumph over them all, and to its final ascendancy under the
leadership of a tribal Messiah." [SMITH, G., 1881/1981, p. 10] The British writer J.
A. Hobson, in his classic work, Imperialism: A Study, declared that Jews formed
"the central ganglion of international capitalism." [GINSBERG, B., 1993, p. 24]
"United by the strongest bonds of organization," he wrote, "always in
closest and quickest touch with one another, situated in the heart of the business capital
of every state, controlled, so far as Europe is concerned, chiefly by men of a single and
peculiar race, who have behind them many centuries of financial expertise, they are in a
unique position to manipulate the policy of nations." [HOBSON, p. 56-57] Hobson's
book, described by one author as "the single most influential tract ever written on
imperialism" [SMITH, p. 395] even gained high praise from the leader of the
Russian Bolshevik revolution, V.I. Lenin.
Nor were the implications of such
criticisms lost to Disraeli himself. In fact, "[Disraeli] produced the entire set of
theories about Jewish influence and organization that we usually find in the more vicious
forms of anti-Semitism." [ARENDT, p. 71] Such a "vicious form" is best
epitomized in the infamous Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a document produced by the
Russian tzarist government during their unsuccessful attempts to secure loans from
international Jewish financiers at the turn of the century (most of them colluded against
Russia). The Protocols proved to be false (it was essentially excerpted from an obscure
novel) but has nonetheless become the most famous anti-Jewish document of all time, and is
still afforded occasional currency by anti-Jewish groups and individuals today. The
Protocols basically details an alleged Jewish plot to control the world and subjugate its
non-Jewish populations.
Who knows if Disraeli would have dismissed the Protocols? His own
fascination with the prospect of world domination by a wealthy transnational Jewish cabal
was very real. This fascination was not that of an obscure London rag picker or street
sweeper. It was from the perspective of a member of Parliament and the eventual Prime
Minister of Great Britain, the most powerful imperialist nation on earth in his time; and
it was dreamed by a man who spent his political life among people, including many Jewish
financiers, of momentous influence. "To the very end of his life," notes
Howard Sachar, "Disraeli held fast to the credo of [Jewish] racial aristocracy.
Whenever he engaged in conversation with the Rothschilds, he harped on the theme to the
point of monotony." [SACHAR, p. 157-158]
The idea of Jewish innate superiority and an economic interest in
dominating earth were expressed in some of the novels Disraeli himself authored. His first
novel was called Alroy (1833) and its title was taken from a historical figure, a
messianic Jew in Iran in the twelfth century, David Alrui, who appealed to his fellow Jews
to take up arms against the non-Jews around them. "In... Alroy," notes Hannah
Arendt,
"Disraeli evolved a plan for a Jewish Empire in which Jews
would
rule as a strictly separated class ... In a new novel,
Coningsby, he
abandoned the dream of a Jewish Empire and unfolded a
fantastic
scheme according to which Jewish money dominates the rise
and
fall of courts and empires and rules supreme in diplomacy.
Never
in his life did he give up this second notion of a secret
and mysterious
influence of the chosen man of a chosen race, with which he
replaced
his earlier dream of an openly constituted mysterious ruler
caste. It
became the pivot of his political philosophy ... [ARENDT,
p. 75] ...
To Disraeli, it was a matter of course that Jewish wealth
was only
a means for Jewish politics. The more he learned about
Jewish bankers'
well-functioning organizations in business matters and
their international
exchange of news and information, the more convinced he was
that he
was dealing with something like a secret society which,
without anybody
knowing it, had the world's destiny in its hands."
[ARENDT, p. 76]
Disraeli even believed that Jews everywhere were uniformly
desirous of "revenge" against Christians, using absolutely contrasting
ideologies -- capitalism and communism -- to the same end through parallel
"internationalism." "Men of Jewish race," he wrote, "are found at
the head of every one of [the communist and socialist groups]. The people of God cooperate
with atheists; the most skilled accumulators of property ally themselves with communists,
the peculiar and chosen people touch the hands of the scum and low castes of Europe! And
all this because they wish to destroy the ungrateful Christendum which owes them even its
name and whose tyranny they can no longer endure." [ARENDT, p. 76]
"In this singular delusion," says Arendt,
"even the most ingenious of Hitler's publicity stunts, the
cry of the
alliance between the Jewish capitalist and the Jewish socialist
was
already anticipated. Nor can it be denied that the whole scheme,
imaginary as it was, had a logic of its own. If one started, as
Disraeli
did, from the assumption that Jewish millionaires were makers of
Jewish politics, if one took into account the insults Jews had
suffered
for centuries (which were real enough, but still stupidly
exaggerated
by Jewish apologetic propaganda), if one had seen the not
infrequent
instances when the son of a Jewish millionaire became a leader of
the
workers' movement and knew from experience how closely knit
Jewish
family ties were as a rule, Disraeli's image of a calculated
revenge upon
Christian people was not far fetched." [ARENDT, p. 72]
Disraeli, suggests Albert Lindemann, "may have been, both as
a writer and even more as a personal symbol, the most influential propagator of the
concept of race in the nineteenth century, particularly publicizing the Jews' alleged
taste for power, their sense of superiority, their mysteriousness, their clandestine
international connections, and their arrogant pride in being a pure race."
[LINDEMANN, p. 77] As Stanley Weintraub notes, Disraeli "sees crypto-Jews
managing affairs: professors, ambassadors, generals, councellors, and cabinet
members." In Coningsby, Disraeli wrote that the world is "governed by very
different personages from what is imagined by those who are not behind the scenes."
[WEINTRAUB, S., 1993, p. 216] In real life, "within days of publication" of this
book, Disraeli was invited to dinner with a Rothschild. [WEINTRAUB, S., 1993, p. 219]
On one hand, Jews were increasingly perceived to have strangleholds on the German
social, cultural and economic system. On the other, in the political field, Richard
Rubenstein notes that
"Marxism was seen by conservative Europe as
Jewish in origin
and leadership, a view that was reinforced in Germany
by the
three successive left wing regimes that succeeded the
Bavarian
royal house of Wittelsbach from November 7, 1918 to
May 1,
1919, at the end of World War I. In Munich, the city
that did
more than any other to give birth to [Hitler's]
National Socialism,
and in the era in which Hitler first joined the
miniscule party, a
series of politically naive, left-wing Jewish leaders
attempted
ineffectually to bring about an enduring socialist
revolution
in Catholic, conservative Bavaria." [RUBENSTEIN,
p. 113]
"As Robert Michel pointed out in his classic Political
Parties," note Stanley Rothman and S. Robert Lichter,
"Jews at that time [late 1800s] were playing a
key role in socialist
parties in almost every European country in which
they had
settled in any numbers." [ROTHMAN/LICHTER, 1982,
p. 84]
In Germany, thse inlcuded Daniel deLeon, a Sephardic Jew who
headed the Socialist Labor Party. DeLeon "attempted to conceal his Jewish background,
pretending that he was descended from an aristocratic family of Catholic background."
[ROTHMAN/LICHTER, 1982, p. 95]
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